| | Sweet spot: Building SugarHouse casino here is a
gamble. (photo by michael persico) | Sweet and Sour
The SugarHouse casino debate taxes neighborly
relations in Fishtown. by Tara Murtha

In Fishtown the battle between pro- SugarHouse casino and anti-SugarHouse casino
neighbors was ugly from the start. Anti-casino retired trucker Ed Verrall’s black eye
and swollen face, allegedly delivered courtesy the knuckles of a few pro-casino guys,
established the tone early on in a neighborhood feud that’s tearing the community
apart—with each side claiming to represent the majority.
The hotly contested casino is supposed to go up on the site of the old Jack Frost
sugar refinery on the Delaware Avenue riverfront. If built, SugarHouse will be a mere
192 feet from residential homes—one of the closest any gambling den in the country has
been to residences. Fireworks over SugarHouse prompted a recent editorial in the
Wall Street Journal to warn, “Shouldering into Philadelphia may
prove to be the American casino industry’s Waterloo.”
The community battle over the casino has ballooned into accusations of secret
alliances, online name-hurling, point-by-point chesslike sparring matches and even
reports of physical intimidation.
In the last few years, Williamsburg-style gentrification has taken hold of Fishtown
and brought with it hipster coffee shops, DIY art galleries, higher housing costs and
young residents. Tattooed art kids share the blocks with third-generation retirees. The
recent revitalization makes it easy to frame the casino feud as new vs. old.
“There’s a split in Fishtown,” says anti-casino resident Morgan Jones. “Old timers vs.
newcomers. We’re the newcomers, if you haven’t figured that out yet,” adds the
34-year-old jeans-wearing, motorcycle-riding IT consultant, who purchased his home 10
years ago.
“In our group, the majority of people are longtime residents, but not 100 percent,”
says Maggie O’Brien, leader of the pro-casino movement. “I think people get insulted on
both sides of that coin.”
University of the Arts professor Jeremy Beaudry, two years deep into Fishtown living,
thinks new-vs.-old is a superficial way to look at the battle over SugarHouse. Beaudry
says it’s that Fishtown newcomers tend to be more optimistic about the possibility of
change through activism. He admires the so-called old-timers because they’ve held on to
their identity through circumstances like white flight and the collapse of urban
industry.
“Fishtowners kind of hunkered in and were able to maintain a sense of community,” he
says. “But those who have lived here for generations, what they’ve seen repeatedly is a
city and city government which ignores their needs … there’s a kind of deep-seated
pessimism.”
Jones, along with Chuck Valentine and Scott Seiber, all own homes within blocks of the
would-be SugarHouse site. They say that living within yards of a 500-seat slot parlor is
not just undesirable—it’s unacceptable.
The trio meets every two weeks or so to discuss SugarHouse developments. Their
conversation makes it abundantly clear that fighting SugarHouse isn’t a peacock parade
of hipster civics, as some jaded Fishtowners claim. From the vantage point of the three
men, they’re running full-throttle defense against an attack orchestrated by greedy
casino execs, approved by Gov. Ed Rendell and championed by their shortsighted
pro-casino neighbors.
Seiber, a 46-year-old father of four, moved to Fishtown from Northern Liberties five
years ago. His steady voice and glasses offset a bouncer’s body, which looks like it can
still go a few rounds in a fight. Valentine’s a talkative, stocky, gray-haired
50-year-old dad.
Of the three men, Valentine’s been a Fishtowner the longest, having moved here from
South Philly in second grade. But as Seiber points out, many in the community still
consider Valentine an outsider because he lacks deep roots here.
A recent evening at the M Room on Girard Avenue, the three men swap casino shop over
beers. Asked what they’ll do if they fail to block construction, Valentine gets visibly
upset. “I’ll leave if the casino comes here. I don’t want my kids around that,” he says.
He pauses. “I’ll watch market trends,” he adds.
If it doesn’t come, Valentine hopes to be buried in historic Palmer Burial Ground down
the street (in the far future).
Seiber isn’t sure whether he’d move out of the neighborhood if SugarHouse were built.
“But it isn’t out of the question,” he says.
Jones takes a long swig of his pint and says, “I intend to stay and shut them down.”
Both sides are making progress. Casino- Free Philadelphia, led by Fishtown
resident Jethro Heiko, is kicking off a six-month campaign next week that’s designed to
secure the endorsement of a Pennsylvania politician. In November the pro-casino camp and
SugarHouse signed a Community Benefits Agreement (CBA), a legally binding deal between a
corporation and a neighborhood that’s intended to demonstrate the corporation’s
community goodwill by providing funds and services to offset the impact of their
presence.
O’Brien, who negotiated directly with SugarHouse lawyers on the CBA, says the
highlights of the agreement include an annual neighborhood allowance of “up to” $1.5
million and an internship program reserved for neighborhood kids. She says cash points
earned on a Fishtown resident’s player club card—those loyalty cards you slide into slot
machines to earn comps—will be redeemable at neighborhood restaurants and shops.
The latter “benefit” slices right into one of the biggest anti-casino arguments: that
neighborhood residents—not tourists—comprise most of the players in this type of casino.
The pro-casino mantra is job creation and revenue. In a city with 7.2 percent
unemployment rate, SugarHouse’s estimate of providing 1,100 “high-quality” jobs, 2,000
retail and hospitality jobs and 2,600 additional jobs in “tangential service industries”
seems sweet.
But the anti-casino advocates’ mantra is “hidden costs.” They say the city will have
to pony up for services to deal with the social ills that come along with casinos, like
increased crime, personal bankruptcy, divorce and addiction. Not to mention the impact
on local businesses.
They point to other communities with casinos that have had problems: significant crime
spikes in places like Minnesota and the Mississippi Gulf Coast; the shuttering of the
majority of Atlantic City’s restaurants; marital murder linked directly to gambling in
at least 11 states.
Much like a day at the slots, what really counts is net win or loss. SugarHouse estimates net revenue of $1.2 billion in gaming taxes to Pennsylvania and Philadelphia
in the first five years of operation. By incorporating hidden costs—like the police
department’s estimated additional $14.3 million a year—Casino-Free calcuates a net
annual loss of $52 million.
Meanwhile, a once close-knit neighborhood has learned how to shove thy neighbor.
The Fishtown Neighborhood Association (FNA),founded in 2000, is the only
official neighborhood nonprofit civic association. Once SugarHouse was introduced, a
split shot through the ranks. FNA doesn’t want to see SugarHouse built here, but it’s
less severe than other anti-casino groups; they’re willing to talk to SugarHouse as long
as the first point of discussion is about moving the site.
Some pro-casino members including FNA founding board members Maggie O’Brien and Donna
Tomlinson were so angry at FNA’s stance that they seceded from FNA and formed the
pro-casino Fishtown Action (FACT).
Soon, anti-casino members of FNA (including Valentine, Seiber and Jones) formed
Fishtown Against SugarHouse Takeover (FAST), which they consider a special-interest arm
of the FNA.
In an email, O’Brien dismissed FAST: “What exactly is FAST? They do not hold meetings
that I am aware of. My take on these people are that they are a loosely formed group who
oppose SugarHouse casino,” she wrote.
FACT doesn’t even have a website.
Both insist that they represent the majority of their neighbors.
Seiber describes how some FAST members walked door-to-door polling neighbors for two
days in February 2008 and says that their survey revealed the majority of the residents
closest to the site were anti-casino.
O’Brien says FACT proved that most Fishtowners are pro-casino through their “Seeing
Red” campaign last winter, in which pro-casino residents hung a red bow on their houses
to signify casino support. O’Brien says she gave out 800 bows, which means at least 800
homes in the area are pro-casino. FAST counters that bows were found hung on abandoned
houses.
FACT claims 600 members. FAST counters that FACT manufactures membership rolls by
forcing curious people into signing a registration form before letting them into
meetings, and that most “members” don’t even live near the site.
Members of FAST say FACT has kept large men standing post at their meetings to try to
intimidate anti-casino residents. Valentine claims to have a received a phone call from
a newbie resident frightened by what looked like bouncers. He says between the
bouncer-like dudes and people hearing about Verrall getting jumped, it’s no wonder some
Fishtowners insist on staying mum on the issue.
But as usual, people aren’t scared to spout off anonymously online.
“People who don’t even know me say things about me like, ‘They’re shills for
SugarHouse,’” says O’Brien. “How can you say that about someone you don’t even know?”
she asks. “Or like when we had protesters and I got yelled at.”
O’Brien’s been frequently accused of forming FACT as a front for the casino. Over the
phone she denies the charges and says that she’s been so distraught about personal
attacks in comments on blogs and online articles that she’s stopped reading them.
“We’re all volunteers and we’re not shills for SugarHouse and no one is paying us.
Guess what? They couldn’t have paid me enough to go through 14 months of these
negotiations with lawyers,” she adds, referring to the Community Benefits Agreement,
which was signed by members of FACT and New Kensington Community Development Corporation
but not members of either Fishtown nor Northern Liberties’ official representative
organizations.
Commenters also speculated that O’Brien was promised a plush job when the casino
opens. O’Brien, who toils in the sales department at the Philadelphia
Inquirer, laughs it off, saying if she doesn’t make it to retirement at the
Inky she’d like to work somewhere stress-free, like a Hallmark gift
shop.
Meanwhile, Chuck Valentine says he can’t even seek refuge from the neighborhood drama
during Sunday mass. Holy Name of Jesus church on East Gaul Street, within walking
distance from the proposed casino site, reportedly accepted $10,000 from SugarHouse to
offset tuition at St. Laurentius Catholic School, where parish kids go since Holy Name’s
school closed in 2006.
SugarHouse has drizzled an undisclosed amount of money on the community to win hearts.
SugarHouse president Bob Sheldon has been quoted saying the casino doesn’t want to
“broadcast” the total amount and recipient list.
Father Francis Groarke, pastor of Holy Name, told PennPraxis, “They’ve given us
$10,000—free money, no questions asked—to help keep tuition reasonable. I think their
commitment to the community is going to be a strong one.”
Just down the street at the M-Room, Valentine is pissed that his church is in bed with
a corporation he finds immoral.
“I’m very angry and upset with my pastor,” says Valentine. “The FACT meetings are held
in Holy Name. It’s frustrating to me because some studies show that casinos hurt church
revenue too. … The pastor is somewhat naive. I tried to confront him,” says Valentine.
“He sort of blew me off.”
The first call into the Holy Name rectory to request comment from Father Groarke on
the casino and the neighborhood went unreturned. On the second call, Father Groarke
yelled, “No comment!” in the background.
A “CasiNO!” sign hangs in a window a block away from the 102-year-old church.
Despite the drama over SugarHouse, O’Brien insists the community’s still close-knit,
pointing to the way the neighborhood came together to fight the library and fire house
closings.
“That’s more propaganda. ‘Ooh, the neighborhood’s split. People who have been friends
for 30 years no longer talk to one another.’ Nonsense,” she says. “If anyone has lost a
friend of it, then that person wasn’t a good friend to begin with.”
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